Seizure of six tons of cocaine reveals how criminal profits are laundered into Albania’s booming construction sector.
TIRANA, July 27, 2025 (Tirana Times) — Albania’s political crisis deepened this week as
opposition leader Sali Berisha launched a sweeping series of accusations against Prime
Minister Edi Rama, claiming the May 11 local elections were rigged through an elaborate
vote-buying scheme involving 450 illegal construction permits awarded to criminal
organizations linked to drug trafficking.
In a televised press conference, Berisha described the elections as a “criminal and
unconstitutional farce,” accusing the Rama government of weaponizing state resources to
manipulate the electoral outcome in favor of the ruling Socialist Party. According to Berisha,
the construction permits—many granted in the midst of the official campaign period—were
used as currency to secure the support of powerful narco-cartels that now dominate parts of
Albania’s territory and economy.
Berisha’s most explosive claim centered on the so-called “Troplini cartel,” which he alleges
not only benefited from government-awarded building rights in strategic zones like Durrës,
but also engaged in asset laundering and fraudulent corporate restructuring during the
election period—all under the watch of state authorities who allegedly ignored or actively
protected them.
The Mechanics of Electoral Corruption
According to Berisha, between April 2024 and May 2025, the government issued over 1,000
construction permits, 450 of which were approved during the legally restricted pre-election
period. These permits, he said, were not only in violation of election laws but were also
signed directly by high-ranking officials, including Adelajda Rroko, the head of Albania’s
national urban planning authority. Rroko, he claimed, is the sister of two senior figures in the
Çela criminal clan and a de facto executor of the prime minister’s urban development orders.
“The primary beneficiaries were narco-cartels that now rule above the law, above the state,
above the territory,” Berisha stated, alleging that the fusion between organized crime and the
executive branch has turned Albania into a “narco-state.”
Data shared by the Democratic Party leader suggests a suspicious spike in permit issuance in
the run-up to the election. While monthly averages previously hovered around 25–30 permits,
that number doubled to around 60 between December 2024 and March 2025. The timing, he
argued, indicates a premeditated strategy to trade real estate opportunities for political loyalty.
Durrës as a Cartel Stronghold
Berisha emphasized that many of the permits were concentrated in the coastal city of Durrës,
specifically in the area of Xhafzotaj—identified by him as the “capital of the Troplini cartel.”
The construction companies involved, including Eldemar Construction and others linked to
Elvis Doçi, Xhevdet Troplini, and Hysni Doçi, are all allegedly registered in this zone.
One particular case Berisha highlighted was the Rock of Kavaja project, a luxury
development permitted on December 24, 2024—Christmas Day. The project, designed by a
Croatian studio, was reportedly approved under the names of figures with direct ties to drug
trafficking, including former police officer Gëzim Hasa and Denis Hasa, both arrested in Italy
in 2010 for cocaine smuggling.
The Arrest Warrant That Never Came
A central element of Berisha’s indictment involved Elvis Doçi, who allegedly sold 60% of his
stake in Rock of Kavaja to a new partner, Nadir Çausholli, on May 11—the very day of the
elections. According to Berisha, Doçi was under an international arrest warrant at the time,
but the warrant was deliberately withheld by Altin Troplini, the alleged head of the criminal
network, who “kept it in his pocket” to allow the transaction to proceed.
Only days later, on May 17, further capital increases were declared in front of a notary,
solidifying the financial transfer just before the assets were likely moved into the informal
economy. “This shows that Operation URA was compromised well in advance,” Berisha said,
referencing the government’s much-publicized anti-corruption campaign. “Criminal assets are
being quietly redistributed among loyalists, with full awareness from state actors.”
Alleged Use of Front Companies and Laundering Channels
Berisha further implicated companies like Ovvital—one of Albania’s largest egg
producers—as possible fronts for laundering cartel proceeds. Registered under Hysen Doçi
and allegedly partnered with Xhevdet Troplini, the firm was cited in police inspections that
found €3 million hidden in a restaurant owned by Fatmir Troplini, the son of a key cartel
figure. Despite the red flags, Berisha noted, the company has not been placed under any
financial investigation or seizure order.
Political Fallout and Broader Implications
While the Rama government has yet to respond directly to these new accusations, previous
statements have dismissed such claims as “desperate political fabrications” aimed at
discrediting the ruling party ahead of EU integration milestones. However, the pattern of
alleged collusion between the government and criminal enterprises echoes long-standing
concerns raised by international organizations, EU diplomats, and media outlets.
In 2015, Germany’s Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung published an in-depth exposé detailing
how Albanian politics has historically been infiltrated by organized crime, with some MPs
accused of drug trafficking and murder. The report described Albania as a state where
criminal groups prefer to operate not in chaos, but “in the gray area between clientelism and
democracy.”
Berisha’s recent revelations suggest that the situation has not only persisted but may have
worsened. As Albania negotiates EU accession, the credibility of its democratic
institutions—and its commitment to fighting corruption—are increasingly under the spotlight.
“These are not just violations of electoral integrity,” Berisha concluded. “They are the
blueprint of a captured state.”
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