The May 11 parliamentary elections delivered a further consolidation
of the Socialist government under Edi Rama’s leadership, while simultaneously revealing a
deterioration in democratic standards across the country: unequal representation, abuse of
state resources, media capture, and pressure on the opposition. The near-absolute majority
that the Socialist Party has effectively secured in these elections grants it unprecedented
political power. Yet the question remains whether this power will deepen existing inequalities
and undermine citizens’ trust in Albania’s democratic system.
The Democratic Party, which won only 50 seats in Parliament, appears poised to reject the
results, calling the process an electoral farce unworthy even of authoritarian regimes such as
Vladimir Putin’s.
The Socialist Party, in power for twelve years, has won a fourth consecutive term by
capturing 83 of 140 seats in Parliament. This outcome brings it very close to an absolute
majority—a threshold that, under current circumstances, could be reached with the support of
one or two independent deputies, including those from Tom Doshi’s Social Democratic Party,
which seems ready to back the government.
Rama’s Fourth Term, Shrouded in Controversy
Edi Rama—mayor of Tirana ( 2000- 2011) and prime minister since 2013—has secured yet
another term in the May 11 vote. A fourth term is a unique occurrence in Albanian politics
and demands deep analysis to understand how such a victory was achieved.
Explanations focusing on the opposition’s weakness, its fragmentation, or its leadership by a
figure like Sali Berisha—a former president and two-time prime minister—are insufficient.
Though younger in age, Rama has almost thirty years of political experience, including
twelve as prime minister. His victory in securing a fourth term should (not) surprise in light
of Albania’s harsh reality: some 800,000 citizens have emigrated over the last decade, and the
country is experiencing a dramatic wave of depopulation that both international and local
experts attribute to misrule, rampant corruption, lack of political competition, and state
capture by organized crime.
During these years, the construction sector has flourished as an industry widely viewed as a
criminal enterprise for laundering drug money, corruption, and organized-crime proceeds.
Corruption under Rama’s administration has reached unprecedented levels, with dozens of
senior officials under investigation, on trial, or convicted—including a former interior
minister, a former deputy prime minister, ministers of finance, health, and environment, and
even the mayor of Tirana, considered Rama’s political heir.
Key sectors of Albania’s economy—infrastructure, energy, and construction—have been
seized by clientelism and corruption. Misappropriation of European Union funds intended for
agriculture reached such an extreme that Brussels suspended financing and demanded the
return of the abused sums.
Opposition Alleges “Electoral Farce”
The Democratic Party and a number of smaller parties, united in coalition, managed to win
only 50 seats in Parliament. International observers from OSCE/ODIHR emphasized the
massive use of state resources by the governing party, near-total control of the media, and the
absence of a clear line separating party from state. In fact, this was not the first time these
concerns were raised: in the 2021 elections, OSCE/ODIHR concluded that no genuine
separation existed between the ruling party and state institutions.
A poll published immediately after the 2021 vote found that a majority of citizens believed
the government could not be changed through elections. Local experts now say that,
following the May 11, 2025 vote, the idea of peaceful rotation of power by ballot has become
practically impossible.
The opposition has leveled a series of serious accusations of manipulation in the May 11
electoral process, raising deep doubts about the legitimacy and fairness of the political
contest. They argue that the election was not a free and fair contest between alternatives, but
rather an unequal confrontation between a politicized state apparatus and an opposition
weakened by the tools of power.
First, the opposition accuses the government of extreme use of state resources in favor of the
Socialist Party. Public administration, state institutions, and logistical assets were mobilized
in service of the governing coalition’s campaign in ways that political opponents say violated
every democratic norm. From official vehicles and public buildings to misuse of personal
data and institutional influence, the state was turned—according to the opposition—into an
electoral instrument in the hands of the governing party.
Another grave charge involves alleged collaboration between state bodies, the ruling party,
and organized-crime groups. The opposition asserts that significant portions of the campaign
were funded and logistically supported by criminal elements granted impunity in return for
political favors, particularly in sensitive electoral districts. This cooperation, they contend,
undermines not only the elections but also the functioning of constitutional order and the rule
of law.
The opposition also points to oligarchic influence as a further threat to electoral equality.
Businessmen with close ties to the government allegedly financed the Socialist Party’s
campaign and promoted its candidates, in exchange for public contracts, tenders, and fiscal
advantages. According to critics, the elections have effectively become a transaction between
money and power.
Another widely denounced tactic targeted the private sector: employees were reportedly
coerced to vote for government candidates under threat of losing their jobs or state contracts.
Many entrepreneurs say they were openly instructed to direct their workforce’s votes toward
the Socialist Party or risk losing access to public projects and other institutional benefits.
Particular attention has been paid to Tirana, where dozens of expedited building permits were
allegedly granted to companies linked to organized-crime networks that had covertly or
overtly supported the Socialist Party’s campaign. The opposition says this mechanism has
become a new form of mass vote-buying through financial favors.
Pre-election mass hirings in the public administration were also heavily criticized. According
to the opposition, the government artificially boosted public-sector employment by up to 18%
over the level on the day the Socialist Party took office—hirings tied not to genuine civil-
service needs but to electoral calculations and securing votes through reliance on state
employment.
Some of the most serious accusations concern municipalities run by the Socialist Party. More
than 90% of these local governments, the opposition alleges, were converted into centralized
campaign centers to aid the government’s effort. Instead of serving residents, these
municipalities became electoral tools for the ruling party.
The opposition has also raised concerns about the diaspora vote, cast by mail for the first
time. They say it strains credibility that over 90% of diaspora ballots went to the Socialist
Party, with only 10% for the opposition. According to critics, such an imbalance can only be
explained by institutional vote-rigging or illicit interventions in the counting process. Former
Parliament Speaker Jozefina Topalli, an opposition candidate, declared, “Even Putin would
be ashamed of these one-sided results.”
Finally, one of the most serious accusations relates to the near-total control of the media, both
public and private. The Socialist Party’s campaign, according to the opposition and
international observers, was covered in a biased manner, while opposition candidates were
excluded from debates or were treated marginally. This media domination strongly influenced
the shaping of public opinion and limited the citizens’ real opportunity to make an informed
choice.The opposition has warned that it will not recognize the result, and it remains to be
seen how it will react moving forward.
New parties: a challenge to the political duopoly
The 2025 parliamentary elections in Albania have produced a development that may be
considered historic for the country’s political landscape. For the first time since the beginning
of the democratic transition, several new parties, unconnected to power, are managing to
enter Parliament, challenging an electoral system designed to keep them out. Around 155,000
voters—approximately 10% of the electorate—have supported these new political forces,
which are expected to secure between 3 and 5 mandates, a small window for representation
outside the traditional elite.
This development represents a jolt to a political system built upon the tacit agreement
between the Socialist Party and the Democratic Party—a consolidated order since 2008
through an electoral reform that strengthened their control via regional seat distribution, high
thresholds, and numerous bureaucratic obstacles for new parties.
One such obstacle is the requirement of 20,000 notarized signatures for the registration of a
new political party, a cost that in practice renders participation nearly impossible without
substantial financial support.
Nevertheless, in these elections, several new parties managed to overcome these barriers.
“Nisma Shqipëria Bëhet” has already secured one mandate in Tirana and is in contention for
additional mandates in Fier and Vlorë, especially thanks to diaspora votes where its
performance is notably higher than within the national territory. The “Opportunity” party,
founded by Agron Shehaj, has won one mandate in Tirana and remains in the running for a second. Likewise, “Lëvizja Bashkë,” with a more civic profile and social program, has passed
the threshold to secure a mandate in the capital. All these political forces have entered the
scene not only with new energy but also with more open and democratic structures than the
traditional parties.
If their votes were fairly represented in a national proportional system, these forces would
win over 10 mandates. But reality is different: a large portion of citizens’ votes for new
alternatives will remain unrepresented and will be redistributed to the major parties due to the
regional division and the way mandates are calculated. Thus, the Socialist Party, which
received 52% of the vote, is expected to control about 56% of Parliament, while the
Democratic Party, with 35% of the vote, will obtain around 36% of the mandates. Meanwhile,
nearly 10% of the electorate who voted outside this axis will be represented by far fewer seats
in Parliament than their vote deserves.
In a country where for more than 30 years politics has been dominated by clientelism,
patronage, the use of the state for campaigning, and media control, the attempt to build a new
culture of representation is more than just an experiment—it is a necessity. The rooting of this
new model, though still fragile, may be the first step toward a functional and inclusive
democracy.
The 2025 elections may not have brought an immediate upheaval of the political order, but
they have signaled the beginning of a new era. If the new parties manage to preserve their
integrity, demonstrate competence, and maintain a connection with citizens, they could play a
key role in building a real alternative for the future. In this small window that has opened,
there is more than just mandates—there is a chance for change.
The post Albania’s 2025 Elections: Triumph of the Socialists or the Fall of Democracy? appeared first on Tirana Times.
