TIRANA, Albania May 26,2025– Recent revelations from an Italian anti-mafia investigation have cast a harsh spotlight on the murky relationship between organized crime and the Albanian political elite, deepening concerns over state complicity in shielding and enabling criminal actors. At the center of the storm is Elvis Doçi, alias “Visi i Pojës,” a convicted trafficker and alleged linchpin in a transnational cocaine smuggling operation — and, according to reports, a beneficiary of government favors that extended from lucrative business permits to delayed arrest.
The case has revived persistent fears that Albania’s fight against organized crime is compromised not by capacity, but by political interference. More broadly, it reinforces the perception that in today’s Albania, the line between organized crime and organized politics is increasingly difficult to discern.
From Cocaine Routes to Coastal Resorts
Italian prosecutors investigating the “Operazione Ura” (Operation Bridge) uncovered a sprawling network that trafficked cocaine from South America to Europe through Albania. Among the figures named: Doçi, described as a central figure in the ring, with business links spanning construction firms and hospitality ventures — many suspected to be money laundering fronts.
While Doçi had long appeared in investigative files, his face and identity remained largely unknown to the Albanian public until intercepted communications via the encrypted SKY ECC platform shed new light on his operations and connections. Italian anti-mafia prosecutors traced his dealings to Albania, Germany, and Italy, identifying him as a repeat offender with deep criminal roots.
But it was the Albanian government’s dealings with Doçi that sparked outrage. In February 2024, just over a year before the May 2025 local elections, the National Territorial Council (KKT) — chaired by Prime Minister Edi Rama — approved a building permit for a 10-story luxury hotel project on the Albanian Riviera. The approval bore Rama’s signature. The developer? Doçi’s own company, “Eldemar Construction,” linked to other convicted drug traffickers and run through a maze of proxies.
The project, later named “Rock of Kavaja,” underwent a rapid capitalization process. Within 72 hours, the firm increased its capital to €2.3 million through undeclared assets, raising suspicions of illicit fund injection. Notably, the French hotel giant Accor, under its “Pullman” brand, expressed interest in the site — a move Prime Minister Rama attributed in a media interview to personal connections with former French President Nicolas Sarkozy.
Delayed Justice and Convenient Timing
While the business angle has raised questions, the timing of Doçi’s near-arrest has ignited political scandal. According to multiple investigative sources, an arrest warrant for Doçi was issued by Albania’s Special Court Against Organized Crime (GJKKO) on April 30, 2025 — based on a joint file compiled with Italian authorities. But law enforcement agencies delayed action until after the May 11 elections.
The official explanation? Coordination with Italian counterparts and procedural requirements. SPAK (the Special Anti-Corruption and Organized Crime Prosecutor’s Office) Chief Altin Dumani claimed during a press conference that timing had nothing to do with politics. “We coordinate every step — even the dates — with our partners,” he said.
Yet documents show that despite having the warrant in hand, SPAK waited nearly two weeks to act. By then, Doçi had vanished. The opposition swiftly accused the government of political manipulation, alleging that the arrest was deliberately postponed to ensure Doçi’s availability to secure votes in Durrës — a historically contested district where the ruling Socialist Party won a landslide victory with the help of two previously unknown candidates.
In short, while Italian investigators pursued justice, Albanian institutions appeared more concerned with preserving electoral gains.
Crime and Power: A Dangerous Symbiosis?
What emerges from this episode is not just a case of high-level corruption, but a structural ecosystem in which political favor, electoral benefit, and criminal protection feed off each other. Doçi, by this reading, was not a rogue operator but a functional asset — protected when useful, sacrificed when inconvenient.
The implications are troubling. If true, they point to systemic weaknesses in Albania’s democratic institutions, particularly the independence of law enforcement and the judiciary. Despite progress on paper — including the creation of SPAK as a flagship anti-corruption body — this case suggests that even the most powerful institutions can be co-opted when political stakes are high.
Moreover, it raises broader questions about Albania’s EU integration path, where rule of law and anti-corruption benchmarks are central to accession. Brussels has repeatedly urged Tirana to demonstrate credible, impartial enforcement of justice. Episodes like this one send the opposite message.
The “Visi i Pojës” affair is not just about one trafficker or one delayed arrest. It is about the health of Albanian democracy and the state’s ability — or willingness — to confront organized crime without fear or favor. Unless thoroughly investigated and followed by genuine accountability, the scandal risks becoming yet another chapter in Albania’s long saga of impunity — one where crime doesn’t just infiltrate politics, but becomes indistinguishable from it.
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