TIRANA, Albania , May 6th (Tirana Times ) — On May 11, Albanians will head to the polls for parliamentary elections marked by a crowded field of contenders: 53 political parties and over 2,000 candidates will vie for 140 seats in the national legislature. While this diversity may signal political pluralism on the surface, the electoral process remains heavily tilted in favor of the two dominant parties—the ruling Socialist Party (PS) and the main opposition Democratic Party (PD).
Most of the parties in the race are effectively political ghosts, lacking a base, organizational structure, or viable prospects for parliamentary representation. Analysts warn that their sheer number may only complicate the electoral process and ballot administration.
Still, five or six smaller or newly formed parties hope to secure a foothold in parliament, even if modestly. Their significance will depend largely on how the two main parties fare. Among the most watched newcomers is “ Mundesia “”The Opportunity Party,”
Its founder, Agron Shehaj, is a former MP of the Democratic Party who broke away from this party to create his own. Shehaj is a successful entrepreneur who has returned to Albania after emigrating and undertaking ventures in Italy. He is known for his stances against corruption and support for free enterprise. According to polls—which are nonetheless unreliable in Albania—the Opportunity Party is ranked as the third force in Albania, dispelling prejudices that new parties cannot be a factor in parliamentary elections. This, however, remains to be proven.
Running on a center-right platform, the party advocates for economic liberalism, flat taxation, deregulation for startups, and a streamlined bureaucracy. Its appeal is concentrated in urban areas like Tirana and Durrës.
Though Albanian political ideology is often fluid—both major parties frequently blur traditional left-right distinctions—The Opportunity Party has positioned itself as a pro-business, anti-corruption force. Polls suggest it could emerge as the third-largest political force, but skepticism remains over the accuracy of polling in Albania.
Also making its debut is the progressive “Together Movement,” led by university professor and civil society activist Arlind Qorri. With a focus on social justice, the dismantling of oligarchic networks, and citizen empowerment, the party aims to attract young, urban voters disillusioned with entrenched politics. Qorri, a vocal critic of systemic corruption and elite capture, has become a figurehead for those demanding deeper democratic reform.
Another new entrant is the electoral coalition “Nisma Shqipëria Bëhet” (“The Initiative ‘Albania Can’”), an alliance between two civic-based groups: the “Thurje Initiative” and “Lëvizja Shqipëria Bëhet.” Their platform emphasizes electoral reform, diaspora voting, referendums, and a depoliticized electoral administration. Leaders Adriatik Lapaj and Endri Shabani aspire to reshape Albanian democracy by fostering citizen participation and accountability. Nisma Shqiperia behet” jointly led by Adriatik Lapaj, a lawyer and activist for community engagement, and Endri Shabani, an academic and co-founder of the Thurje Initiative, like all new parties entering the race, aims to create a new political alternative that would break the dominance of the two main parties, PD and PS, which in the current circumstances seems difficult. According to the latest polls, coalition has chances to enter parliament, perhaps with two or three deputies
Despite the emergence of these alternatives, few believe they will break the Socialist-Democratic duopoly under current circumstances. Analysts cite the restrictive electoral law as a major hurdle. A 2020 amendment, passed unilaterally by the Socialist majority, prohibits traditional coalitions in which parties run under their own names. Instead, parties must field candidates under a single unified list, effectively forcing smaller parties to dissolve their identities to cooperate.
The rule change significantly impacted the 2021 election. In 2021election the Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI), now rebranded as the Party of Freedom—was penalized by vote dispersion. Despite receiving over 110,000 votes nationwide, the LSI secured only four seats, while the Social Democratic Party, with just 27,000 votes concentrated in Tirana and Shkodër, won three seats.
Analysts estimate that under a more inclusive electoral formula or a coalition system, the LSI could have secured at least 10 parliamentary seats—enough to potentially unseat the Socialist government after two consecutive terms in power.
Structural barriers further undermine smaller parties. They often lack representation in electoral commissions, raising concerns about ballot security and vote theft. Media access is also skewed; most national outlets are either under government influence or offer little to no visibility to new political actors.
“Despite being new, many of these parties resemble traditional Albanian parties in one key aspect—they are one-man shows,” said a researcher at the Institute for International Studies. “They revolve around their founders, without visible leadership teams, undermining public trust in their long-term viability.”
Among the more established but no less controversial actors is the Social Democratic Party. Founded in the early post-communist years, it once attracted prominent left-wing intellectuals but has since shifted direction under the leadership of businessman Tom Doshi, who is blacklisted by the United States. In 2021, Doshi played a pivotal role during the formation of the new government, allegedly holding leverage in coalition scenarios. The party remains influential in northern regions like Shkodër and parts of Tirana, more due to Doshi’s personal brand than any adherence to social democratic ideals.
As Albania approaches the May 11 elections, the influx of new political movements signals both a growing frustration with the status quo and the resilience of a political system engineered to preserve it. While fresh voices promise reform, systemic barriers—from legal constraints to media imbalance—continue to stack the deck in favor of the two dominant players.
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