Tirana Times, May 8,– On May 11, 2025, Albania will hold its tenth parliamentary elections since the fall of communism in 1991 – a moment expected to be decisive not only for the political fate of the main parties but also for the democratic future and European orientation of the country. These elections will be a new test for both the government and the opposition, but above all, a test for Albanian society and the functionality of the country’s political system, which has remained unfulfilled and trapped in cycles of mistrust, manipulation, and instability for three decades.
Albania’s electoral history is marked by tensions, manipulations, and persistent doubts about the legitimacy of power. Since the first pluralist elections on March 31, 1991, the country has not managed to conduct several consecutive elections that are accepted by all sides as free, fair, and in accordance with international standards. Every electoral process has been accompanied by major disputes and often destabilizing political consequences. In fact, the repeated political crises that have plagued the country largely stem from election manipulations and theft – a phenomenon that has become the norm rather than the exception.
The upcoming elections are taking place in a climate filled with doubt and mistrust, not only from political actors but also from the citizens themselves. According to 2021 polls conducted immediately after those elections, in which the Socialist Party won a third mandate, over 62% of Albanian citizens believed that “the government cannot be removed through voting,” an alarming perception that renders elections merely formal, devoid of democratic substance.
This gap between domestic perception and the often swift, formal assessments by international actors has deepened mistrust toward the European Union and international partners, who in the last elections praised the Socialist Party’s “historic victory” despite allegations of state misuse and the involvement of state structures in the campaign.
From another perspective, the May 11 parliamentary elections will be decisive for Albania’s aspirations to join the European Union. Whether it’s the confirmation of a fourth term in power for the Socialist Party led by Edi Rama or the opposition’s rise to power – the Democratic Party led by Sali Berisha – through a legitimate process based on international standards that define free and fair elections, this will be a sine qua non condition for the future of the European integration process.
Albania has been a NATO member since 2009, the same year it applied for EU membership. In 2014, it was granted candidate status, but despite government rhetoric about progress, the process has moved slowly and only after a decade did the European Union agree to open accession negotiations with Albania.
A Fourth-Term Bid Amid Accusations of Autocracy and Corruption
The Socialist Party enters these elections after 12 years in power, seeking a fourth governing mandate – an unprecedented move since the fall of communism. During its first term (2013–2017), under Prime Minister Edi Rama, it launched a series of reforms in justice, education, property rights, healthcare, and urban development. Rama claims the reforms were painful but necessary to build a “strong” and functional state. His first term was marked by a massive emigration wave of nearly 200,000 people, reportedly driven by the economic situation and reform fallout. Emigration continued over the next decade. According to independent experts, more than 800,000 Albanians have left the country – a grim reality of depopulation that now poses a serious threat to national security.
Mr. Rama has tried to promote a modern image of Albania, emphasizing its development. Meanwhile, especially in the past five years, governance has been marred by numerous corruption scandals: Deputy Prime Minister Ahmetaj is internationally wanted for corruption charges. Likewise, the former ministers of Health, Environment, and Interior are either on trial or have been convicted for high-level corruption, not to mention dozens of other senior officials involved in similar affairs. Most recently, the Mayor of Tirana – considered the most important PS figure after Rama and his potential successor – was arrested on serious charges of corruption and money laundering.
Currently, the Socialist Party controls nearly all levers of power in Albania. According to experts, Parliament has turned into a “department” of the government – if not of the Prime Minister himself. The government also dominates local power, independent institutions, the media, and, according to some observers, economic development through ties with a small group of oligarchs who, due to state favors, control the country’s economy.
Foreign tourism interest in Albania is growing rapidly, but a lack of clear policies and weak infrastructure hinders this sector’s development. Meanwhile, the construction industry entirely dominates the economy. Over the past five years, houndred of permits have been issued for construction projects, especially in Tirana, with towers ranging from 20 to over 100 stories. This appears paradoxical: on one hand, a wave of emigration and abandonment of the country; on the other, a construction boom. Despite the surplus, housing prices are approaching those in Europe’s most expensive capitals.
There is now little doubt that the construction boom is financed by drug money and organized crime. Experts warn of an impending real estate crisis, suggesting these giant buildings could become Albania’s “second pyramids,” echoing the 1997 pyramid schemes that plunged the country into chaos. As in the 2021 elections, Prime Minister Rama has stated: “We have no program; we just move forward.” His sole campaign promise this time is the European passport. Albania has just opened its first chapters in negotiations with the EU.
A decade since achieving candidate status (2014), the integration process has seen little substantive progress. It took more than ten years after candidate status for Albania to begin EU membership negotiations. Despite Serbia and Montenegro having started negotiations over a decade ago and still being far from membership, Rama now promises to close negotiations within two years and join the EU by 2030.
An EU Passport or an Exit Visa?
Rama has promised that Albania will join the European Union by 2030. However, his primary campaign focus is not on domestic reform or democratic revival—but on the benefits of an EU passport. “With an EU passport,” he declared in March, “young men and women from Albania will be able to study, work and live anywhere in the EU as equals.”
It’s a message that resonates deeply in a country where tens of thousands plan to emigrate every year. Yet for a country already buckling under the weight of depopulation, this promise sounds less like a vision of integration and more like a sanctioned exit strategy.
Albania’s population has declined by over 18% since 2011. Birth rates are at a record low of 1.21 children per woman. The working-age population has shrunk by more than 18% in just over a decade. Healthcare centers are understaffed, schools are closing, and nearly every village, town, and city feels the absence of its youth. In this context, Rama’s EU campaign slogan offers an implicit message: Albania’s greatest gift to its youth is a way out.
For many Albanians, the promise of an EU passport does not signal hope for integration—it reflects despair about their own country. A 2023 survey revealed that most Albanian parents would prefer to raise their children abroad. The Socialist government has introduced no significant policies to retain youth or support families.
But if Rama wants to be remembered as the prime minister who led Albania into the EU, he must first make Albania a country worth staying in. That means investing in healthcare and education, delivering real anti-corruption reforms, improving wages, supporting families, and rebuilding democratic institutions. Because freedom is not just the ability to leave—it is also the right to build, to hope, and to thrive right where you are.Campaigning on an EU passport—without addressing the reasons why people are desperate to leave—is not a solution. It is an evasion of responsibility.
Opposition Revival: A Referendum on Corruption and Exodus
The Democratic Party, in opposition since 2013, seeks to unseat the Socialists and Prime Minister Edi Rama. Despite support from numerous parties, the main opposition force remains the Democratic Party, now led again by its founder and historical leader, Sali Berisha. Founded in 1990, the DP was Albania’s first non-communist opposition party. More than just a party, it was a broad opposition front that won decisively in 1992 but lost power in 1997. It returned in 2005 after the Socialist Party’s poor governance and corruption. During its 2005–2013 tenure, Albania joined NATO (2009) and applied for EU membership the same year. In 2011, under DP leadership, Albania removed visa requirements with the EU.
After the 2013 elections, when the Socialists triumphed, Berisha resigned as party leader, remaining only an MP, and was replaced by Lulzim Basha. Under Basha, the DP lost the 2017 and 2021 elections, further weakening the opposition. Following the 2021 elections, the DP entered a deep internal crisis triggered by two major developments. First, on May 19, 2021, the U.S. State Department declared Sali Berisha “persona non grata” due to significant corruption while in power. This ended any talk of election manipulation and deflated opposition response. For Edi Rama, this declaration – known to him beforehand – bolstered his control over institutions, media, and civil society.
The second dramatic event was Basha’s decision to expel Berisha from the parliamentary group in September 2021. Taken under pressure, this decision had severe consequences for the opposition. Over the next two years, the DP was deeply divided, while Berisha launched a movement to regain control of the party. Three years later, a resurgence of the Democratic Party appears underway, with Berisha reclaiming leadership and uniting the party, including its parliamentary group.
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