Tirana Times, July 18, 2026 – For years, the U.S. and the EU invested significant political capital, funding, and diplomatic pressure into helping Albania build one of the most ambitious anti-corruption institutions in the Balkans: the Special Anti-Corruption Structure, known as SPAK. SPAK was created to do what previous institutions often could not — investigate powerful political interests, confront organized crime, follow suspicious financial transactions, and restore public confidence in the rule of law. It was designed to operate independently, insulated from political pressure and capable of pursuing complex investigations involving senior officials, major business interests, and transnational criminal networks. For the long-term health of democracy and public confidence in government, SPAK undertook the hard work of demonstrating to Albanians that their trust in institutions of governance was justified, and to foreign investors that their financial commitments would be guaranteed by law.
Today, Albania faces a test of whether that vision will be realized.
The controversy surrounding a proposed $1.4 billion luxury resort project linked to Affinity Partners, Jared Kushner, and Ivanka Trump has become one of the most politically sensitive development projects in the country’s recent history. The project, which involves development plans around Sazan Island and the Vjosa-Narta coastal region, has generated intense public debate, environmental concerns, allegations of irregular land transactions, and questions about legislative changes that benefited the development.
The issue is no longer simply about tourism or foreign investment. It has become a question of institutional credibility. If SPAK was built to investigate allegations involving political influence, suspicious financial activity, and potential corruption, then this is exactly the kind of case that demands rigorous scrutiny.
Importantly, there is currently no public evidence that Affinity Partners or Jared Kushner or Ivanka Trump knowingly participated in criminal conduct. Multiple reports and SPAK’s own statements have emphasized that investigators have not established a direct evidentiary link between Affinity leadership and alleged criminal activity involving local actors. But that does not end the inquiry.
SPAK’s mandate is not limited to determining whether foreign investors committed crimes. Its responsibility is to determine whether Albanian laws were manipulated, whether public resources were improperly transferred, whether state institutions acted lawfully, and whether criminal networks exploited the project for illicit purposes.
Indeed, SPAK has already begun exercising its authority.
Prosecutors have opened inquiries into the 2024 legislative changes that altered protections surrounding the Vjosa-Narta wetlands and Sazan Island. These changes were critical to enabling the development and have become a focal point of public opposition, including large demonstrations known as the “Flamingo Revolution”.
The agency possesses extensive domestic powers to investigate these matters. SPAK can subpoena government records, question public officials, examine communications related to legislative decision-making, and investigate whether lobbying efforts crossed legal boundaries. It can determine whether the project’s designation as a “Strategic Investor” followed proper procedures or whether political influence improperly affected the process.
SPAK also has powerful financial investigative tools at its disposal. Prosecutors can freeze assets, seize property records, trace beneficial ownership structures, and coordinate with Albania’s financial intelligence authorities to identify suspicious transactions. These powers are particularly relevant because allegations have emerged regarding land deals associated with the project.
A central allegation is not that the resort developers themselves engaged in criminal conduct. Rather, prosecutors suspect that certain local intermediaries and landholders may have used real estate transactions to launder proceeds derived from international narcotics trafficking.
SPAK has reportedly sought action against dozens of individuals connected to a broader cocaine trafficking network, while investigators examine whether Albania’s booming construction sector was used as a vehicle to integrate illicit funds into the legal economy.
Additional concerns have arisen from dramatic increases in the reported value of certain parcels of land. Prosecutors are examining why some properties experienced extraordinary jumps in valuation over a short period of time. Such rapid appreciation can sometimes be consistent with techniques used in money-laundering schemes, though investigators have not publicly reached final conclusions.
These are precisely the types of questions SPAK was established to answer.
Critics argue that political considerations could limit the scope of the investigation. Prime Minister Edi Rama has strongly supported the development, portraying it as a transformative investment opportunity that could boost tourism and economic growth. Given the project’s political significance, any investigation will inevitably encounter resistance from those who view scrutiny as a threat to a flagship national initiative.
That is exactly why SPAK’s independence and expertise matters.
The institution was created because Albania’s international partners recognized that ordinary law enforcement mechanisms often struggle when investigations approach powerful political or economic interests. The United States repeatedly championed judicial reform in Albania on the premise that no individual, political party, or investment project should be beyond scrutiny.
At the same time, SPAK’s authority has limits. It cannot independently subpoena American citizens under investigation, compel production of records from U.S.-based investment firms, or investigate potential conflicts involving U.S. government officials. Such actions would require cooperation from American authorities, including the Department of Justice or congressional oversight bodies. But such limitations should not excuse inaction.
SPAK has broad jurisdiction over conduct occurring within Albania. It can investigate Albanian officials, local developers, intermediaries, land transactions, environmental approvals, asset transfers, and allegations of organized criminal infiltration. It can determine whether laws were altered improperly, whether corruption occurred, and whether criminal proceeds entered the project through local channels.
The credibility of Albania’s justice reforms depends on whether those powers are exercised fully and fearlessly.
The United States helped create and fund SPAK because Albania needed an institution capable of confronting exactly these kinds of difficult cases. If allegations involving politically connected legislation, disputed land ownership, suspicious financial flows, and organized crime do not warrant aggressive investigation, it becomes difficult to imagine what would.
No conclusion should be predetermined. The facts may ultimately clear many of those involved. Investors are entitled to due process, and allegations alone do not establish wrongdoing. But the public is entitled to answers.
SPAK was created to follow evidence wherever it leads. Albania’s democratic institutions, its international credibility, and the integrity of its justice system now depend on allowing investigators to do precisely that. As Albania’s key ally, the U.S. owes it to the Albanian people to support their quest for truth and transparency.
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David J. Kostelancik was a career member of the Senior Foreign Service of the United States of America, with the rank of Minister Counselor. Mr. Kostelancik most recently served as acting Deputy Coordinator for Terrorism Prevention and Detention in the Bureau of Counterterrorism. From August 2021 until September 2023 he served as foreign policy advisor to Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Mr. Kostelancik previously served as Deputy Chief of Mission, and for two years, as Charge d’affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Budapest Hungary. Other assignments at the Department of State include as Director of the Office of South Central European Affairs and as Director of the Office of Russian Affairs, both in the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, as well as Director of the Office of Europe and Asia in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs.
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This article by David J. Kostelancik was originally published in The Diplomatic Pouch, a publication of Georgetown University’s Institute for the Study of Diplomacy: https://medium.com/the-diplomatic-pouch/the-united-states-helped-build-spak-now-spak-must-do-its-job-5c25f2e34dff
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